A lifetime spent with the National Vision: Necmettin Erbakan

 

A lifetime spent with the National Vision: Necmettin Erbakan

Former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan passed into eternity 14 years ago today. Erbakan, who fought political struggle from the point of view he called ’National Vision', was a politician, engineer, academician, NGO manager, writer and thinker.    Prof., who was the 23rd Prime Minister of the Republic of Turkey during the period when it was governed by a parliamentary system. Dr. Necmettin Erbakan is commemorated on the 14th anniversary of his transfer to eternity.

Erbakan, who is known by his lovers with the nickname ‘Mujahid Erbakan’, was born on October 29, 1926 in Sinop. Erbakan, the eldest of the four children of Sabri Bey, who served as a Heavy Penal Judge, and Kamer Hanım, started his primary education in Kayseri due to his father's civil service and completed it in Trabzon.

During his higher education at Istanbul Technical University (ITU), former President and Prime Ministers Süleyman Demirel and Turgut Özal were also students at this school. he graduated from ITU in 1948. he served as an assistant at the motor department until 1951.            He founded the first domestic motor company

He received his doctorate at the Technical University of Aachen, Germany, where he was sent by ITU in 1951. He was involved in the engine design of the Leopard tank. in 1954, at the age of 27, he became an associate professor at ITU. between 1956 and 1963, he founded the Silver Engine with 200 partners, which will produce the first domestic engine, and realized the production. Dec. he received the title of professor in 1965. in 1967, he was elected as the Secretary General of the Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey (TOBB). In the same year, he married Nermin Erbakan. From this marriage, he had three children named Zeynep, Elif and Fatih. he became the TOBB Chairman in 1969, but the elections were canceled.                                                                                                                                      His political life

He was elected as an independent deputy in Konya in the 1969 General Elections. in 1970, he founded the National Nizam Party (MNP) with 17 friends. Shortly after the Military Intervention of March 12, 1971, when the MNP was closed, he founded the National Salvation Party (MSP). in the 1973 elections, he won 48 seats with 12 percent of the vote. in 1974, he became the Minister of State and Deputy Prime Minister in the coalition government formed between the Republican People's Party (CHP) and the MSP led by Bülent Ecev Dec.                                                                                                                        The liberation of the Turkish Cypriots

During the CHP-MSP coalition period, a ‘Peace Operation’ was carried out in 1974 against the efforts to connect the island to Greece by destroying the Turkish Cypriots. The Turkish Cypriots were saved from extinction, as in Crete and other Aegean islands, and the foundation of today's TRNC was laid.                                                                                          

     Nationalist Front Governments

Founded in March 1975 between the Justice Party (AP), MSP, Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Republican Trust Party (CGP), 1. Dec. He became Minister of State and Deputy Prime Minister in the Nationalist Front Government. Founded in July 1977 with the coalition of EP, MSP and MHP, the 2. He again took part in the Nationalist Front Government as Minister of State and Deputy Prime Minister.                                                                                                   

          He observed at Uzunada

After the 1980 Military Coup, he was detained in Uzunada, Izmir for a while. He was arrested on October 15, 1980 along with 21 MSP executives. He was released on July 24, 1981. he was acquitted in 1985. He returned to politics after the popular vote of September 6, 1987, which lifted the political bans.                                                                       

  Ruling with the Welfare Party

On October 11, 1987, he was elected Chairman of the Welfare Party (RP). he became a member of parliament from Konya in the 1991 elections. In the local elections held on March 27, 1994, the RP was successful by winning 19 percent of the vote. Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Istanbul, Melih Gökçek in Ankara were elected mayor of the metropolitan municipality from the Welfare Party. In the 1995 elections, the RP became the first party with a vote share of 21.37 percent and 158 deputies won. On June 18, 1996, the RP and the True Path Party (DYP), led by Tansu Çiller, formed a coalition government. Erbakan became the 23rd Prime Minister of Turkey.                                                                                                                  He founded D-8

During his 1-year period in power, he gave importance to the economy and foreign relations. He founded the ‘D-8' by bringing together developing Muslim countries.Dec. He has taken steps and made visits to re-establish close relations with Asian and Middle Eastern countries that Turkey has neglected for a long time.                                                                          

       Brought down by a post-modern coup

With the ’February 28 process‘, which is described as a ’post-modern coup', the RafahYol Government came to an end. The Constitutional Court closed the RP on January 16, 1998 and imposed a total of 6 people along with Erbakan on politics for a period of 5 years. The Virtue Party (FP) was established in accordance with the political style expressed by Erbakan as the “National Opinion”. after the closure of the FP in 2001, he continued to work in politics with the Felicity Party (SP). He was elected as the SP General Chairman for the last time on October 17, 2010.

He passed away on February 27.

February January 19, 2011, he was placed under intensive care in the hospital due to his illness, after receiving treatment for a while and discharged, he was soon removed with respiratory and heart failure complaints in the hospital, February 27, 2011, he passed into eternity.            He was buried at Merkezefendi Cemetery

Funeral prayers were held for Erbakan at Hacı Bayram Veli Mosque in Ankara and Fatih Mosque in Istanbul. Soil brought by his lovers from various regions of Turkey, Jerusalem, the TRNC and from the grave of Bosniak leader Aliya Izetbegovic was sprinkled on his grave. Necmettin Erbakan's grave is located in the Merkezefendi Cemetery.

deep, will you write the above text as a new and original English article text by enriching and analyzing it with other news from the world and Turkish press?

Turkish Parliament Sees Shift in Seat Distribution: AK Party Gains Strength

 

In a significant development following the 28th Term Parliamentary General Elections held on May 14, 2023, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) has emerged as the only party to increase its number of parliamentary seats. Initially securing 268 seats in the election, the AK Party’s representation in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) has now risen to 272, thanks to defections from other parties and independent members.

Key Changes in Seat Distribution

The AK Party’s gains came after three lawmakers joined its ranks:

• Serap Yazıcı Özbudun, a former member of the Future Party (Gelecek Partisi) and Antalya MP.

• Mehmet Selim Ensarioğlu, an independent Istanbul MP.

• Ünal Karaman, an independent Konya MP.

These additions have reduced the number of independent MPs in the parliament to 10. The AK Party’s growing strength was further highlighted during its 8th Ordinary Grand Congress, where the party celebrated its expanded presence in the legislature.

Current Parliamentary Seat Breakdown

The distribution of seats in the Turkish parliament now stands as follows:

• AK Party: 272 seats

• Republican People’s Party (CHP): 133 seats

• Peoples’ Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Parti): 57 seats

• Nationalist Movement Party (MHP): 47 seats

• İYİ Party: 28 seats

• New Path Party (Yeni Yol Partisi): 24 seats (a coalition of Future Party, DEVA Party, Saadet Party, and Çatı Party)

• Independent MPs: 10 seats

• Welfare Party (Yeniden Refah Partisi): 4 seats

• Free Cause Party (HÜDA PAR): 4 seats

• Workers’ Party of Turkey (TİP): 3 seats

• Democracy and Progress Party (Demokrasi ve Atılım Partisi): 2 seats

• Emek Party (Emek Partisi): 2 seats

• Democratic Regions Party (Demokratik Bölgeler Partisi): 2 seats

• Future Party (Gelecek Partisi): 2 seats

• Saadet Party: 1 seat

• Democratic Left Party (DSP): 1 seat

• Democrat Party: 1 seat

Analysis of the Political Landscape

The AK Party’s ability to increase its parliamentary seats despite a highly competitive election underscores its enduring influence in Turkish politics. The defections to the AK Party reflect a broader trend of political realignment, as smaller parties and independent MPs seek to align themselves with the ruling party to secure greater influence and resources.

The CHP, Turkey’s main opposition party, remains the second-largest party in parliament with 133 seats. However, its inability to capitalize on voter dissatisfaction and expand its base has raised questions about its strategy and leadership. The DEM Parti, which represents pro-Kurdish interests, holds 57 seats, maintaining its position as a significant player in Turkish politics.

The rise of the New Path Party, a coalition of smaller opposition parties, highlights the fragmentation within Turkey’s opposition bloc. With 24 seats, the coalition aims to present a united front against the AK Party, but internal disagreements and ideological differences continue to pose challenges.

International Reactions

The shift in Turkey’s parliamentary composition has drawn attention from international observers. Analysts note that the AK Party’s strengthened position could lead to more decisive policymaking, particularly in areas such as economic reform, foreign policy, and constitutional amendments. However, concerns have been raised about the potential for reduced checks and balances in a parliament increasingly dominated by the ruling party.

Implications for Turkey’s Future

The AK Party’s growing parliamentary presence is likely to bolster President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s agenda, including efforts to address economic challenges and implement constitutional reforms. The party’s ability to attract defectors from other parties and independent MPs demonstrates its political acumen and organizational strength.

For the opposition, the current seat distribution highlights the need for greater unity and a clearer vision to challenge the AK Party’s dominance. The fragmentation among smaller parties and the lack of a cohesive opposition strategy remain significant obstacles to overcoming the ruling party’s entrenched position.

Conclusion

The latest changes in Turkey’s parliamentary seat distribution reflect the dynamic and often unpredictable nature of the country’s political landscape. As the AK Party consolidates its power, the opposition faces an uphill battle to present a viable alternative to voters. The coming months will be critical in determining whether the opposition can overcome its internal divisions and mount a credible challenge to the ruling party’s hegemony.

For now, the AK Party’s strengthened position in parliament signals a new phase in Turkish politics, one that could shape the country’s trajectory for years to come.

The Khojaly Massacre: The Cold War’s Final Act of Brutality in the South Caucasus

 

    

The Khojaly Massacre of February 26, 1992, remains one of the darkest chapters in the history of the South Caucasus. As Azerbaijan struggled for independence following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Armenian forces carried out a brutal attack on the town of Khojaly, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of Azerbaijani civilians, including women, children, and the elderly. Thirty-three years later, the pain of this tragedy continues to resonate deeply within the hearts of the Azerbaijani people.

The Horrors of Khojaly

The massacre was marked by unspeakable atrocities. Among the victims were pregnant women whose stomachs were stabbed, children who were burned alive, and elderly individuals who were executed. Graphic images and footage from the time bear witness to the scale of the violence. According to official reports, 613 Azerbaijani Turks were killed, including 106 women, 63 children, and 70 elderly individuals. Another 487 were severely injured, and 1,275 were taken captive, with 150 still missing to this day. Eight families were completely wiped out, 25 children lost both parents, and 130 children lost one parent.

The forensic examinations and witness testimonies revealed that victims were subjected to unimaginable acts of cruelty, including scalping, mutilation, and the removal of eyes and sexual organs. These acts were carried out indiscriminately, with no regard for age or gender.

A Strategic Target

Khojaly, a town of 2,605 households, was home to 11,365 people before the conflict. However, due to ongoing clashes, the population had dwindled to around 3,000 by the time of the massacre. The town held strategic importance as it was home to the region’s only airport. In late 1991, Armenian forces began their assault, cutting off supply routes and isolating Khojaly. By February 25, 1992, with the support of the Soviet Union’s 366th Motorized Rifle Regiment stationed in Khankendi (then Stepanakert), Armenian forces launched a three-pronged attack on the town.

International Recognition as Genocide

The Khojaly Massacre has been recognized as an act of genocide by the Azerbaijani Parliament and condemned by 18 countries and 24 U.S. states. The European Court of Human Rights, in its ruling on April 22, 2010, described the events as "acts of particular gravity amounting to war crimes or crimes against humanity."

Azerbaijan argues that the massacre constitutes a severe violation of multiple international conventions, including the 1949 Geneva Conventions, the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention Against Torture, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Despite these recognitions, the international community has yet to hold the perpetrators accountable.

The Broader Context of the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict

The Khojaly Massacre occurred within the broader context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which began in 1988 when Armenia made territorial claims against Azerbaijan. Following the Soviet Union’s dissolution, Armenia escalated its military campaign, occupying not only Nagorno-Karabakh but also seven surrounding districts, including Khojaly. Over 30,000 people were killed, and more than a million Azerbaijanis were displaced during the conflict.

The occupation lasted for nearly three decades until Azerbaijan’s successful military operation in 2020, which liberated much of its territory. The slogan “Karabakh is Azerbaijan” became a rallying cry for the nation, symbolizing its determination to reclaim its lands and uphold its sovereignty.

The Legacy of Khojaly

For Azerbaijan, Khojaly is not just a historical tragedy but a symbol of resilience and justice. Every year, the nation commemorates the victims and calls for international recognition of the massacre as genocide. Azerbaijan continues to seek justice for the victims and accountability for the perpetrators, urging the global community to confront the horrors of Khojaly and prevent such atrocities from happening again.

A Call for Justice

The Khojaly Massacre serves as a stark reminder of the human cost of war and the importance of upholding international law. As Azerbaijan continues to rebuild its liberated territories and heal the wounds of the past, the memory of Khojaly remains a powerful testament to the strength and unity of the Azerbaijani people.

In the words of Azerbaijan’s national anthem:
“Azerbaijan, Azerbaijan!
O proud motherland of heroic sons!
We are all ready to give our lives for you!
We are all ready to shed our blood for you!
Live happily under your tricolor flag!”

The story of Khojaly is not just Azerbaijan’s story—it is a call to the world to remember, to act, and to ensure that such atrocities are never repeated.

Gökçe Kübra Yıldırım Becomes First Turkish Female Captain to Pilot the Airbus A380

 

In a historic milestone for aviation and gender equality, Gökçe Kübra Yıldırım has become the first Turkish woman to be certified as a captain for the Airbus A380, the world’s largest passenger aircraft. Yıldırım, who works for Emirates Airlines in Dubai, completed her training and was officially promoted to the rank of captain, earning the prestigious “four stripes” on her epaulettes. Her achievement was celebrated by Emirates’ A380 team, who were among the first to congratulate her. Yıldırım also posed for a commemorative photo with other Turkish pilots working at Emirates.

A Journey of Determination and Excellence

Yıldırım’s aviation journey began 12 years ago when she started her career as a pilot at Turkish Airlines. After gaining valuable experience, she moved to Dubai and joined Emirates, where she transitioned to flying the Airbus A380 as a first officer. Over the years, she accumulated the necessary flight hours and experience, eventually being selected for Emirates’ captaincy training program. After successfully completing rigorous training and control flights, she earned the title of captain, marking a significant milestone in her career.

Reflecting on her achievement, Yıldırım shared her thoughts on social media: “This journey, which began nearly 12 years ago, has brought me to the point of becoming a captain. Every step, every challenge, and every success has taught me so much. This profession is not just a job; it has become a part of my life. I am deeply grateful to everyone who supported me and stood by me throughout this journey.”

Breaking Barriers in Aviation

Yıldırım’s achievement is not only a personal triumph but also a significant step forward for women in aviation, a field where female representation remains low. According to the International Society of Women Airline Pilots, women account for only about 5% of pilots worldwide. Yıldırım’s success serves as an inspiration to aspiring female pilots, particularly in Turkey and the Middle East, where cultural and societal barriers often discourage women from pursuing careers in male-dominated industries.

Her promotion to captain also highlights Emirates’ commitment to diversity and inclusion. The airline has been actively working to increase the number of female pilots in its ranks, with initiatives aimed at encouraging more women to join the aviation industry. Yıldırım’s achievement is a testament to the success of these efforts.

The Airbus A380: A Symbol of Excellence

The Airbus A380, often referred to as the “superjumbo,” is one of the most advanced and complex aircraft in the world. Piloting such a massive aircraft requires exceptional skill, training, and experience. As a captain, Yıldırım will be responsible for overseeing the safe operation of the A380, which can carry up to 853 passengers in a single-class configuration. Her role will involve managing a team of pilots and crew members, making critical decisions during flights, and ensuring the highest standards of safety and efficiency.

Global Reactions and Inspirational Impact

Yıldırım’s achievement has garnered widespread attention and praise, both in Turkey and internationally. Social media platforms have been flooded with congratulatory messages, with many hailing her as a role model for young women aspiring to break into aviation. Her story has also been featured in international media outlets, highlighting the growing recognition of women’s contributions to the aviation industry.

In Turkey, Yıldırım’s success is seen as a source of national pride. Turkish Airlines, where she began her career, has also celebrated her achievement, emphasizing the importance of supporting women in aviation. The Turkish aviation industry has made significant strides in recent years, with more women entering the field as pilots, engineers, and executives.

A Broader Perspective on Women in Aviation

Yıldırım’s story is part of a broader global movement to increase gender diversity in aviation. Airlines such as Air India, British Airways, and Qantas have also been working to promote female pilots and address the gender gap in the industry. Initiatives like scholarships, mentorship programs, and awareness campaigns are helping to break down barriers and create more opportunities for women.

However, challenges remain. Women in aviation often face stereotypes, unequal opportunities, and a lack of representation in leadership roles. Yıldırım’s success underscores the importance of perseverance, mentorship, and institutional support in overcoming these obstacles.

Conclusion

Gökçe Kübra Yıldırım’s promotion to captain of the Airbus A380 is a landmark achievement that transcends personal success. It represents a victory for gender equality, diversity, and the breaking of glass ceilings in aviation. As she takes command of the world’s largest passenger aircraft, Yıldırım not only inspires future generations of female pilots but also reinforces the importance of creating inclusive environments where talent and determination can thrive.

Her story is a reminder that with passion, hard work, and support, no dream is too big to achieve. As the aviation industry continues to evolve, Yıldırım’s journey will undoubtedly serve as a beacon of hope and inspiration for women around the world.

Turkey’s Electoral Districts Updated: Ankara, Muğla, and Şanlıurfa Gain Parliamentary Seats, While Bayburt, Erzurum, and Yozgat Lose One Each

 

In a recent decision by Turkey’s Supreme Election Council (YSK), the distribution of parliamentary seats across the country’s provinces has been updated based on the latest population data. The changes, published in the Official Gazette, reflect shifts in population dynamics and will impact the composition of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. Ankara, Muğla, and Şanlıurfa have each gained one parliamentary seat, while Bayburt, Erzurum, and Yozgat have each lost one.

The YSK’s decision aligns with Article 4 and 5 of Law No. 2839 on Parliamentary Elections, which mandates that the distribution of parliamentary seats be updated within six months following the announcement of the general population census results. The latest population data, released by the Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜİK) on December 31, 2024, served as the basis for the redistribution of Turkey’s 600 parliamentary seats.

Key Changes in Parliamentary Seat Allocation

• Ankara, Turkey’s capital, will now have 37 parliamentary seats, up from 36, reflecting its growing population and political significance.

• Muğla, a popular tourist destination on the Aegean coast, has seen its representation increase to 8 seats, up from 7.

• Şanlıurfa, a province in southeastern Turkey with a rapidly growing population, will now have 15 seats, up from 14.

• On the other hand, Bayburt, a small province in the Black Sea region, has lost one seat, reducing its representation to just 1.

• Erzurum, a historically significant province in eastern Turkey, has dropped from 6 to 5 seats.

• Yozgat, located in central Anatolia, has also seen a reduction, from 4 to 3 seats.

Major Cities and Their Representation

• Istanbul, Turkey’s largest city and economic hub, will continue to have the highest number of parliamentary seats at 96, divided across 3 electoral districts.

• Ankara, with its increased representation, will now be divided into 3 electoral districts.

• İzmir, Turkey’s third-largest city, will have 28 seats, distributed across 2 electoral districts.

• Bursa, a major industrial center, will have 21 seats, divided into 2 electoral districts.

Analysis of the Redistribution

The changes in parliamentary seat allocation highlight Turkey’s ongoing demographic shifts. Urban centers such as Ankara, İzmir, and Muğla are experiencing population growth due to internal migration and urbanization, while smaller provinces like Bayburt and Yozgat are seeing a decline in population. This trend is consistent with global patterns of urbanization, where rural areas lose residents to larger cities in search of better economic opportunities.

The increase in seats for Şanlıurfa underscores the demographic growth in southeastern Turkey, a region that has historically had higher birth rates compared to other parts of the country. Meanwhile, the reduction in seats for Erzurum and Yozgat reflects the challenges faced by smaller provinces in retaining their populations.

International Context

Turkey’s parliamentary seat redistribution process is similar to practices in other democracies, such as the United States’ congressional reapportionment and the United Kingdom’s boundary reviews. These processes aim to ensure fair representation based on population changes. However, in Turkey’s case, the adjustments also carry significant political implications, as the ruling party and opposition parties vie for dominance in key regions.

Political Implications

The changes could influence the balance of power in Turkey’s parliament. Provinces like Ankara and Şanlıurfa, which have gained seats, are politically significant. Ankara is a key battleground for both the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), while Şanlıurfa is a stronghold for the AKP and its ally, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). The loss of seats in Bayburt, Erzurum, and Yozgat, which are traditionally conservative regions, may not significantly impact the AKP’s overall dominance but could still affect local political dynamics.

Conclusion

The YSK’s decision to update parliamentary seat allocations reflects Turkey’s evolving demographic landscape. As urban centers grow and smaller provinces shrink, the political map of the country continues to shift. These changes will play a crucial role in shaping the outcomes of future elections, as parties strategize to maximize their gains in key regions. The updated seat distribution will take effect in the next general election, scheduled for 2028, unless an early election is called.

For now, the focus remains on how political parties will adapt to these changes and what they mean for Turkey’s democratic representation in the years to come.

Turkish Drones Shift the Tide of Another War: Siege Broken, Victory After Victory!

 

In a dramatic turn of events, the Sudanese army has broken the siege of El-Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan, dealing a heavy blow to the rebel Rapid Support Forces (RSF). The game-changer in this conflict? Turkey’s indigenously produced Bayraktar TB2 drones, which have once again proven their battlefield dominance by providing the Sudanese military with a critical advantage.

The Battle for El-Obeid: A Strategic Triumph

El-Obeid, a strategic city connecting Sudan’s capital, , to the Darfur region, has been under RSF siege for months. The Sudanese army announced that it successfully broke the blockade by linking up with troops stationed east of the city. This victory marks a significant shift in the ongoing conflict, as control over El-Obeid is crucial for dominating key supply routes and logistics lines.

Sudan’s Finance Minister, Gibril Ibrahim, hailed the lifting of the siege as a "major turning point." In a statement on social media, he emphasized that the liberation of El-Obeid is a critical step toward freeing El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur, which has been under RSF control since May.

Bayraktar TB2: The Decisive Factor

The Bayraktar TB2 drones, supplied by Turkey and delivered to Sudan in October, have played a pivotal role in turning the tide of the war. Since their deployment in November, these drones have conducted precision strikes on RSF positions, destroying artillery systems and significantly degrading the rebel group’s combat capabilities. A senior Sudanese military official told Sudan Tribune that the TB2s have been "instrumental in neutralizing enemy assets with pinpoint accuracy."

Global Reactions: Praise and Concern

The success of Turkish drones in Sudan has drawn global attention. Analysts and military experts have praised the TB2’s effectiveness in asymmetric warfare, noting its proven track record in conflicts such as Libya, Nagorno-Karabakh, and now Sudan. "The Bayraktar TB2 has become a symbol of how drone technology can reshape modern warfare," said a defense analyst based in London.

However, the use of Turkish drones has also sparked controversy. Critics argue that their deployment in Sudan exacerbates the conflict, which has already claimed over 150,000 lives and displaced millions. The RSF, backed by Wagner Group mercenaries and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), has been accused of exploiting Sudan’s gold mines to fund its operations. The involvement of external actors, including Turkey, has raised concerns about the internationalization of the conflict.

A Broader Geopolitical Struggle

The conflict in Sudan is not just a local power struggle; it is part of a broader geopolitical competition. The RSF’s ties to Wagner and the UAE highlight the involvement of external powers seeking to control Sudan’s vast natural resources, particularly its gold reserves. Turkey’s support for the Sudanese government, including the supply of TB2 drones, aligns with its broader strategy of expanding influence in Africa and the Muslim world.

What’s Next for Sudan?

The liberation of El-Obeid and the ongoing use of TB2 drones have given the Sudanese army a significant advantage. However, the road to peace remains fraught with challenges. The RSF, despite recent setbacks, remains a formidable force with external backing. The international community, including the African Union and the United Nations, has called for a ceasefire and a negotiated settlement, but progress has been slow.

Analysis: The Drone Revolution Continues

The success of the Bayraktar TB2 in Sudan underscores the growing importance of drone technology in modern warfare. These systems offer a cost-effective and highly effective means of conducting precision strikes, gathering intelligence, and supporting ground operations. For Turkey, the TB2 has become a powerful tool of foreign policy, enabling it to project influence far beyond its borders.

However, the ethical implications of drone warfare cannot be ignored. While they reduce the risk to friendly forces, they also lower the threshold for military intervention, potentially prolonging conflicts. As the use of drones becomes more widespread, the international community will need to grapple with these challenges and establish norms to govern their use.

Conclusion: A New Chapter in Sudan’s War

The breaking of the El-Obeid siege marks a significant victory for the Sudanese army and a testament to the effectiveness of Turkish drone technology. As the conflict continues, the role of external actors and advanced military systems like the Bayraktar TB2 will remain critical. For now, the Sudanese government has gained the upper hand, but the path to lasting peace remains uncertain. One thing is clear: the Bayraktar TB2 has once again proven its ability to change the course of a war.

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Key Takeaways:

• The Sudanese army, aided by Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones, has broken the RSF siege of El-Obeid, a strategic city in North Kordofan.

• The TB2 drones have been instrumental in destroying RSF artillery and weakening their combat capabilities.

• Global reactions are mixed, with praise for the drones’ effectiveness but concern over their impact on the conflict’s duration and intensity.

• The conflict in Sudan is part of a broader geopolitical struggle involving external powers like Turkey, the UAE, and Russia’s Wagner Group.

• The success of the TB2 highlights the growing role of drone technology in modern warfare and Turkey’s expanding influence in Africa.